Disarikan dari Buku Model-Model Pengujian Konstitusional di Berbagai Negara oleh Prof. Dr. H. Jimly Asshiddiqie.

 

Peristilahan “judicial review” dapat dibedakan dengan istilah “constitutional review” atau pengujian konstitusional. Pembedaan dilakukan sekurang-kurangnya karena dua alasan. Pertama, “constitutional review” selain dilakukan oleh hakim dapat pula dilakukan oleh lembaga selain hakim atau pengadilan, tergantung kepada lembaga mana UUD memberikan kewenangan untuk melakukannya. Kedua, dalam konsep “judicial review” terkait pula pengertian yang lebih luas objeknya, misalnya mencakup soal legalitas peraturan di bawah UU terhadap UU, sedangkan “constitutional review” hanya menyangkut pengujian konstitusionalitasnya, yaitu terhadap UUD.

Di setiap negara, konsep “judicial review” itu sendiri berbeda-beda cakupan pengertiannya dan batasannya. Karenanya pengertian istilah-istilah itu juga tidak boleh diidentikkan antara di satu negara dengan negara yang lain. Misalnya, Inggris, Amerika Serikat, Kanada dan Australia, meskipun sama-sama menggunakan bahasa Inggris, tetapi sistem konstitusi dan sistem pengujian konstitusionalnya berbeda-beda satu sama lain. Meskipun sama-sama menggunakan istilah “judicial review”, tidak boleh dipahami seolah-olah mempunyai pengertian yang sama persis satu sama lain.

Konsep “constitutional review” itu dapat dilihat sebagai hasil perkembangan gagasan modern tentang sistem pemerintahan demokratis yang didasarkan atas ide-ide negara hukum (rule of law), prinsip pemisahan kekuasaan (separation of powers), serta perlindungan dan pemajuan hak asasi manusia (the protection of fundamental rights). Dalam sistem ‘constitutional review’ itu tercakup 2 (dua) tugas pokok. Pertama, menjamin berfungsinya sistem demokrasi dalam hubungan perimbangan peran atau interplay antara cabang kekuasaan legislatif, eksekutif, dan lembaga peradilan (judiciary).

Dengan kata lain, “constitutional review” dimaksudkan untuk mencegah terjadinya pendayagunaan kekuasaan oleh satu cabang kekuasaan sedemikian rupa sehingga cabang kekuasaan lainnya; Kedua, melindungi setiap individu warga negara dari penyalahgunaan kekuasaan oleh lembaga negara yang merugikan hak-hak fundamental mereka yang dijamin dalam konstitusi

Di dunia saat ini, sejarah institusi yang berperan melakukan kegiatan “constitutional review” berkembang pesat melalui tahap-tahap pengalaman yang beragam di setiap negara. Ada yang melembagakan fungsi pengujian konstitusional itu dalam lembaga yang tersendiri bernama Mahkamah Konstitusi. Ada pula yang mengaitkan fungsi pengujian itu kepada lembaga yang sudah ada, yaitu Mahkamah Agung. Ada pula yang memberikan tugas untuk menjalankan fungsi pengujian itu kepada badan-badan khusus dalam kerangka lembaga-lembaga lain seperti badan-badan pengadilan yang sudah ada; dan ada pula yang tidak menerima adanya fungsi pengujian semacam itu sama sekali. Pengalaman di berbagai negara di dunia memperlihatkan bahwa tradisi yang mereka ikuti tidak sama dari satu negara ke negara yang lain.

(Disarikan dari Hak Menguji dalam Teori dan Praktek oleh Prof. Harun Al Rasyid)

Perlu dicatat bahwa istilah “hak menguji” berbeda dengan “judicial review”. Kalau kita berbicara mengenai “hak menguji”, maka orientasinya ialah ke kontinental Eropah (Belanda dan Jerman), sedangkan “judicial review” orientasinya ialah ke Amerika Serikat.

Dalam literatur hukum Belanda dan Indonesia, istilah “hak menguji” mencakup dua macam pengertian, yaitu formal dan material. Yang dimaksud dengan “hak menguii formal” (formele toetsingsrecht) ialah kewenangan hakim untuk menyelidiki apakah suatu produk legislatif telah dibuat secara sah.

Yang dimaksud dengan “hak menguji material” (materiele toetsingrecht) ialah kewenangan hakim untuk menyelidiki apakah kekuasaan/organ yang membuat suatu peraturan berwenang untuk mengeluarkan peraturan yang bersangkutan, dan, apakah isi peraturan tersebut tidak bertentangan dengan ketentuan yang dikeluarkan oleh
pembuat peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi.

Kalau kita menyebut judicial review, maka kita beralih ke sistem peradilan Amerika Serikat. Hakim berwenang membatalkan tindakan pemerintah pusat yang dianggapnya bertentangan dengan undang-undang dasar, baik itu tindakan presiden (eksekutif) maupun tindakan kongres (legislatif), dan juga tindakan pemerintah negara bagian.

National models constrain the range of choices for institutional change. Institutional change that most directly affects the existing national model is likely to create revolutionary changes. Fung and Wright (2003) pointed out that the institutional forms of liberal democracy developed in the nineteenth century-representative democracy plus local good governance-seem increasingly ill suited to the novel problems we face in the twenty-first century. In the euphoria of reform after the fall of the New Order, Indonesia embarked on a radical attempt to devolve centralized power to the regions. Growing attention is being paid to the experiment of democratic decentralization, which, in essence, suggests devolving authority to lower levels of government and providing space for citizen participation in the decision-making process of key issues.

 

In the case of Indonesia, changes from centralization to decentralization would most likely be accompanied by a new way of thinking about how the policy in localities can best serve the development of localities themselves. With local autonomy, municipalities/regencies now have a more prominent role in how they finance, regulate, and interact with the front-line. Salient differences in governance and service delivery may not only be evident across regions, but also within regions in term of how regencies and municipalities level institutions interact with local facilities and villages/neighborhoods. Decentralization may also allow for more efficient process of discovery of best policies. By increasing the number of decision-making units, different policy options can be tried simultaneously in a natural experiment setting. In the competition atmosphere created by decentralization process, local governments compare their performance and learn from each other in order to choose the best policy without neglecting its uniqueness.

 

Indonesia has been implementing extreme decentralization for more than five years. There are many fundamental changes occurring during the implementation: intergovernmental relations, the decision-making process in the regions, economy-based community empowerment, and relations between citizens and the nation-state. More importantly, local initiatives regarding law institutions and the best policies are created to serve local development. In addition, strategies for tailoring approaches to local conditions vary according to the area of policy intervention. They may involve developing simpler rules with less discretion, relying more heavily on transparency, competition, and reinforcing local institutional safeguards. These strategies need to be complemented by efforts to strengthen local government capabilities.

 

Conservatives within the central government and experts on democratic theory insists that Indonesian people (let alone people in the regions) are “not yet ready for democracy.” Contrary to the statement, quite a few innovations in local governance have appeared during the process of Indonesia’s democratic decentralization. Thus, the onset of decentralization in Indonesia gives chances for local governments in Indonesia to improve local good governance and make chance to its consolidation.

The original 1945 Constitution of the RI had Article 18 on local administration, which provided that “the division of the territory of Indonesia into large regions and small regions with administrative organizations is stipulated under law that takes into account and determine to consider the principle of consultations at state administrative organizations as well as inherent rights of areas with distinct characteristics.” The provisions of Article 18 are generally interpreted as basis idea of decentralization

 

There are four statesmen who had great influence to the constitution: Soekarno, Hatta, Yamin, and Soepomo. They made the critical contributions to the creation of the Indonesian 1945 Constitution. Soepomo and Yamin were famous as legal experts at that time, influenced by the Germany law tradition through their education in law school, Soepomo himself got his post graduate law education from Netherlands. Soepomo and Yamin, among the four, can be said the main architect of 1945 Indonesian Constitution. Even though had his education in Netherlands, Hatta was a liberalist and he was influenced mainly by United States Constitution; he made famous argumentation in the Constitution Convention on citizen right guarantee in the constitution. Soekarno was pure nationalist; his view was greatly influenced by nationalist movement leader Dr. Sun Yat Sen and constitution in newly independence state in Asia at that time.

 

The founding fathers who draft the constitution were conscious with the decentralization right　as the indigenous right of the regions in archipelago. Their idea however, different from that in France where the intent was to break down traditional local autonomy but it was connected to the desire to respect the old customs and neighborhood solidarity.　Their intentions reflected in the constitution convention just before the declaration of independence. The determination to guarantee decentralization was an important part in the Indonesia debate on the Indonesian 1945 Constitution. However, there were wide differences arguments about the nature and degree of the decentralization to be achieved.

 

Soepomo who was the main architect of the constitution explained his thought regarding local government and local right, “Thus in Indonesia State based on integrality idea, each community and region which has distinguished characteristic will have its own legal position as an integral part of Indonesia State. Distribution of power between central government and local government will be based on principle relating with time, place and matters… Then in a big country with many big islands like Indonesia, many authorities shall be administered by local government” (Bahar, Kusuma and Hudawati, eds, 1995).

 

In the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence, Soepomo explained further his idea, “I truly believe that regions shall be given wide range of rights to administer their regions at their own initiative for their interest, but with understanding that the regions are parts of Indonesian State; regions needs and interests shall be acknowledged within the legal framework that guarantees the devolution of authorities to administer their own affairs” (Bahar, Kusuma and Hudawati, eds, 1995). However, Soepomo did not agree if the details of decentralization principle should be included in the 1945 Constitution, “The Council shall accept the basic principle of regions right, but I do not think that the devolution of the authority shall be included in our constitution instead of in specific law regarding local government” (Bahar, Kusuma and Hudawati, eds, 1995). He understood that the local rights principle in the form local autonomy should be acknowledged in the 1945 Constitution but refused further idea to put more details of deconcentration and decentralization principle in the constitution.

 

Meanwhile Yamin in BPUPKI meeting in July 11, 1945, expressed his opinion based on Germany Constitution that deconcentration and decentralization can be implemented not only in Federal Indonesia, but also its principle can be implemented in the Unitary State of Indonesia. Yamin further explained, “It is better for us to leave Federalism and shall only form Unitary State with the regions right within and throw away all centralization and bureaucracy form… Thus, I truly believe that Indonesian Constitution shall be formed based on Unitary State Principle and establishing all requisite for regions rights. Distribution of power in the central government itself and distribution of power between Central Government and Local Government shall be regulated by the justice and wisdom so that the regions can exercise their original right” (Bahar, Kusuma and Hudawati, eds, 1995).

 

Decentralization as right in Indonesian Constitution obviously has become national consensus as fundamental right. Benyamin Hoessein stated, “The existence of decentralization in Indonesia is a national consensus, in all constitution (1945 constitution, Indonesian Federal Constitution 1949, and 1950 constitution), there is always provision for decentralization as fundamental right” (Hoessein, 2002). However its existence is very vulnerable by the historical and legal interpretation of implementing it within the unitary state perspective. Centralization tendency occurred in the first place when comes to the option of unity and respecting the local rights in the form of local autonomy.

 

Since the passage of Law 22 Year 1999, the Constitution has been amended to include the principles of Law 22 Year 1999 and other changes that reinforce decentralization. The second amendment to the constitution included a clause that grants “as broad as possible autonomy” to local governments. The third amendment envisages a Local Representatives of Parliament (DPD) with the right to propose and review legislation affecting the regions, including the budget and tax legislation.

The rationale for local decentralization in Indonesia is to be found far back in history. There were serious political reasons to carry out a far-reaching political decentralization that would involve the devolution to the local governments of powers to design and implement policies on matters that were of their own interest. The first was the need to find a solution to an old problem that Indonesia is not, and never was, a homogeneous country.

 

The ancient states of the archipelago are known from the records, mostly often written in Chinese, and of inscriptions and monuments, like those in central Java. The work of historians has recalled the kingdom of Sri Vijaya, which seems to have centered in the regions of Palembang from the late eighth-century. States also emerged in Java, the greatest of which was to be the Majapahit Empire, which flourished in the fifteenth century CE (Tarling, 1998). Until the early twentieth century, Indonesia was formed by a set of kingdoms and independent regions. Some of these kingdoms had their own political and economic institutions, which were very different, from one another (Ricklefs, 2001). Local units existed as a political community governing themselves before the creation of the Indonesian state. The Dutch during their 350 years of colonization, as well as Japanese during their 3 years of occupation, acknowledged those local units and allowed them to continue self-governance (Schiller, 1955).

 

The regions and villages played and important part in the colonial era struggling against colonialism. One example is Aceh, which lies in the northernmost province on the island of Sumatra and the first part of modern Indonesia to have societies organized along Islamic lines, which probably began in the late 13th century. By the 16th century the Sultanate of Aceh controlled a substantial portion of Sumatra and parts of Malaya. Conquered only with great difficulty by the Dutch in the late 19th century, Aceh remained under more or less military control until the Japanese invasion in 1942. The Dutch never were able to regain a foothold in Aceh and many Acehnese fought against the Dutch near the city of Medan and raised money for the nationalist cause (Reid, 1979).

 

At the same time, when Diponegoro (the early nineteenth-century leader of the Java War against the Dutch), Tuanku Imam Bonjol (leader of early nineteenth-century Paderi War in Minangkabau regions in West Sumatra), Teuku Umar (a local ruler who at times led opposition to Dutch expansion into Aceh) and others fought in those days, there did not yet exist, there was not yet any hint of, any feeling of being Indonesia (Alisjahbana, 1977). Diponegoro fought for the land of Java, even then we cannot really say for the whole Land of Java. Tuanku Imam Bonjol fought for the Minangkabau, Teuku Umar for Aceh and others fought for their own region or local community. Even Javanese army at that time under Sentot Alibasjah became parts of Dutch army and fought against Aceh.

 

The emergence of the idea of Indonesia was held in early twentieth century. The first three decades of the twentieth century witnessed a new territorial definition of Indonesia and the proclamation of a fresh colonial policy. The key developments of this period were the emergence of novel ideas of organization and the arrival of more sophisticated definition of identity. The former involved new forms of leadership and the latter involved a deeper analysis of the religious, social, political and economic environment. Ethic policy of colonial brought the impact on the rose of intellectual in Indonesia. Ideas of nation state from Europe were spread through education and organization.

 

The idea of emancipating Indonesian through the education was encouraged from an early stage by the journal Bintang Hindia (Star of Indies), first published in Netherlands in 1902. The Journal was distributed in Indonesia and was very widely read among the Indonesian elite before it ceased publication in 1906. The first modern organization was born under the name Budi Utomo in 1908. Budi Utomo primarily was organization for Javanese priyayi, an elite class of Javanese. It officially defined its area of interest as including the peoples of Java and Madura, thus reflecting the administrative unions of these two islands and including Sundanese and Madurese whose cultures were related to the Javanese (Ricklefs, 2001).

 

More active and significant organizations were soon formed. Some of them were religious, cultural and educational, some political, and several both. These organizations functioned at lower levels of the society and for the first time built links between villagers and new elite. The lesser priyayi class was important in several of these movements, but this was different branch of the lesser priyayi from the one who was active in Budi Utomo. Whereas Budi Utomo members were largely making their careers in government services, those who led more activist movements were almost entirely those who had gone through Dutch school but had then resigned or been dismissed from government jobs.

 

The idea of national Indonesian identity devoid of specific religious or local ties had even begun so widely accepted among the elite, and was being supported by developments in the cultural field. A new literature was growing, based upon the Malay language, which had been used for centuries as a lingua franca in the archipelago and was therefore essentially neutral in ethnic terms (Ricklefs, 2001). As this literature developed, Indonesian intellectuals stopped calling the language Malay and instead referred to it as the Indonesian language (Bahasa Indonesia). The linguistic vehicle of national unity was thereby born.

 

The important stage of Indonesia Nation State formation was in 1928, when the cultural and political trend towards Indonesian unity were formally joined at a Youth Congress held in Batavia. In its ‘Youth Pledge’ (Sumpah Pemuda) the congress adopted three ideals: one fatherland, Indonesia; one nation, Indonesia; and one language, Bahasa Indonesia. Beside that, the writer, W.R. Soepratman, introduced national anthem of Indonesia Raya for the first time. In celebration of the congress, Muhammad Yamin wrote a collection of poems, which were published in 1929 under the title Indonesia tumpah darahku (‘Indonesia, Land of my Birth’) (Ricklefs, 2001). These reflected the self-conscious conviction among young intellectuals that they were Indonesian first, and only Minangkabau, Batak, Javanese, Christian, Muslim or whatever.

 

The youth pledge marked the process from region ethnic to Indonesia nation, considering that the congress participants were came from the regions all over archipelago-from west to east archipelago. Padmo Wahjono wrote in his book Negara Republik Indonesia that Indonesia Nation had been emerged and existed in this stage (Wahjono, 1986). Indonesia nation at this period time had been laid for the foundation of the Indonesia State, which was achieved by the Declaration of Independence in 1945.

 

Modern constitution around the world in many aspects influenced Indonesia Founding Fathers who drafted the 1945 Constitution. It is reflected from their idea of constitutionalism in the Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Indonesian Independence (BPUPKI) meeting and Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (PPKI) meeting. Besides that, they sometimes refer their idea taking examples and based on the former modern constitution especially Germany Constitution. In the Investigating Committee meeting, Yamin referred to United States Constitution, took examples of Russian Constitution. He also mentioned Weimar Constitution of Germany to be followed as the modern constitution, which guaranteed the citizen welfare (Bahar, Kusuma and Hudawati, eds, 1995). Even though Soepomo had his own idea of genuine Indonesian Constitution based on integrality idea, he kept referring to many modern constitutions for his argument.

In examining the central and local government relations, Amakawa Akira uses the second axis of sharing and self-executing in addition to the axis of centralization and decentralization.

 

Originally Amakawa Akira designed this model to analyze the modern government systems of Japan chronologically, but it is often used for comparison between systems of different countries. The axis of centralization/decentralization indicates which is more influential in policymaking, the central or local governments, while Amakawa on the basis of a kind of job allocation defines the axis of sharing/self-executing.

 

JICA Team led by Muramatsu Michio defines ‘sharing’ as the conditions in which the range of concerns of the central and local governments broadly overlaps each other, and ‘self-executing’ as those in which the range of each hardly overlaps. The central-local government relations of Anglo-American countries tend to be ‘self-executing,’ while those of continental countries tend to be ‘sharing’ ones that use local governments as executive agencies of the central government (JICA, 2001).

Quoted from Tatsuro Nikawa on Decentralization and Local Governance: Reinforcing Democracy and Effective Local Government)

……….Operating the decentralized system, local governance has to evolve in order to make effective use of powers and resources. It seems that there are three steps of evolution in local governance. The first step is responsive type of local governance, the second step is the network type of local governance, and the third step is the partnership type of local governance.

 

The responsive local governance means the good governance of local government. Also it has the effective and efficient public service provision. Responsive local governance ought to carry out its duty of responsibility and accountability for local people, and provide the chance of citizen participation. While citizen participation is increasing, local governance begins to change to the network governance.

 

The network governance is composed of the cooperation and responsiveness of localactors. Local actors are mutually networked and exchange their information among them. The community action group, private company, and NGOs are the actors. Also there is networking among local government and many local actors which operate to organize the network issue and then policy network in specialized areas. This network functions in the participative decision making process of local government which attain more effective and efficient policy outcome. In the network governance, the actors learn and grow in the operation of local governance, which is the governance partnership.

 

The governance partnership, providing that the local people acquire maturity as an owner and user of power and control in locality, is characterized by the equal partnership between local actors and government, the cooperation of provision of public services among them, and the effective and efficient use of local resources though this cooperation. The governance partnership will keep and secure the
sustainability of community.

Sebuah Hipotesis yang menarik, disarikan dari:

 

Falleti, Tulia G. 2004. “A Sequential Theory Of Decentralization And Its Effects On The Intergovernmental Balance Of Power: Latin American Cases In Comparative Perspective.” American Political Science Review 99: 327—346.

 

…..Different sequences of decentralization account for the resulting amount of change in intergovernmental balance of power.

 

I argue that if political decentralization takes place first, it enhances the bargaining power of subnational actors in subsequent rounds of negotiations over other types of decentralization. In this case, fiscal decentralization is likely to follow, with administrative decentralization occurring last. This sequence of reforms leads to a higher degree of autonomy for governors and mayors.

 

At the other extreme, if administrative decentralization takes place first and is followed by fiscal decentralization and then political decentralization, this sequence of reforms enhances the power of the national executive and sets serious fiscal constraints on subnational executives…..

1. Pendahuluan

 

Hubungan kerja adalah suatu hubungan antara seorang buruh dengan seorang majikan. Hubungan kerja menggambarkan kedudukan kedua pihak tersebut yang pada dasarnya menunjukkan hak-hak dan kewajiban-kewajiban buruh terhadap majikan serta hak-hak dan kewajiban-kewajiban majikan terhadap buruh.

 

Hubungan kerja terjadi setelah adanya perjanjian kerja antara buruh dan majikan, yaitu suatu perjanjian dimana pihak kesatu, buruh, mengikatkan diri untuk bekerja dengan menerima upah pada pihak lainnnya, majikan, yang mengikatkan diri untuk mempekerjakan buruh itu dengan membayar upah. Pengertian ini berarti pihak buruh dalam melakukan pekerjaan itu berada dibawah pimpinan pihak majikan atau pengusaha.

 

Di masyarakat Indonesia dikenal adanya bermacam-macam hubungan antara dua belah pihak yang pada dasarnya adalah juga melakukan pekerjaan dengan pembayaran sebagai balas jasa, tetapi tidak dinamakan hubungan kerja.

 

Dalam suatu perusahaan adalah wajar bila pengusaha atau majikan berusaha untuk mengendalikan kegiatan perusahaan agar efektif dan efisien. Oleh karena itu majikan atau pengusaha secara alamiah akan mempertahankan kekuasaan dan kebebasannya dalam membuat keputusan yang akan berpengaruh terhadap jalannya perusahaan. Dalam menjalankan perusahaan, tentunya keputusan-keputusan yang diambil atas pertimbangan-pertimbamngan ekonomis, termasuk di bidang ketenagakerjaan yang meliputi penempatan dan pendayagunaan tenaga kerja di perusahaan.

 

Berdasarkan nilai-nilai ekonomis tersebut, maka majikan atau pengusaha bebas menentukan batasan-batasan mengenai tingkat produktivitas tenaga kerja. Dengan kata lainnya bila pengusaha menganggap bahwa produktivitas akan meningkat bila dikerjakan dengan banyak orang, maka pengusaha atau majikan akan meminta dilakukan penambahan karyawan. Sebaliknya bila pengusaha atau majikan menganggap bahwa produktivitas akan bartambah justru dengan adanya pengurangan karyawan, maka akan dipertimbangkan mengenai adanya rasionalisasi perusahaan. Penambahan dan pengurangan karyawan merupakan hal yang biasa dan merupakan suatu bagian dari pertimbangan-pertimbangan bisnis perusahaan.

 

Diantara pengurangan dan penambahan karyawan yang merupakan kebijakan perusahaan sebagai bentuk pengakhiran hubungan kerja, terdapat juga suatu bentuk pengakhiran hubungan kerja atas kemauan karyawan sendiri secara sukarela dengan cara mengundurkan diri.

 

Pengunduran diri oleh karyawan atas kemauan sendiri secara sukarela merupakan bagian dari pemutusan hubungan kerja secara sepihak, yang dalam hal ini oleh karyawan sendiri. Pengunduran diri oleh karyawan meskipun terlihat sebagai suatu hal yang tidak kompleks, namun didalamnya terdapat berbagai permasalahan dalam teori dan prakteknya.

 

Bagaimanakah ketentuan-ketentuan hukum mengatur mengenai pengunduran diri secara sukarela oleh karyawan pada suatu perusahaan? Apakah akibat hukum yang terjadi bagi karyawan perusahan tersebut dan juga bagi perusahaan yang mengijinkan atau menyetujui pengunduran diri tersebut? Dan bagaimanakah yang terjadi dalam kenyataannnya mengenai hal ini? Pertanyaan-pertanyaan diatas merupakan pokok bahasan yang sangat penting untuk diadakan pembahasan dalam kerangka hukum perburuhan khususnya dalam kerangka hubungan kerja antara pengusaha atau majikan dengan karyawan atau buruh.

 

2. Pemutusan Hubungan Kerja

 

Putusnya hubungan kerja berarti bagi buruh atau karyawan merupakan awal dari pengakhiran, permulaan dari berakhirnya mempunyai pekerjaan, permulaan dari berakhirnya kemampuannya membiayai keperluan hidup sehari-hari baginya dan bagi keluarganya, permulaaan dari berakhirnya kemampuan menyekolahkan anak-anaknya dan lain sebagainya.

 

Jika setiap orang berhak atas pekerjaan, orang itu setelah mendapat pekerjaan harus berhak pula untuk tetap terus bekerja, artinya tidak diputuskan hubungan kerjanya pada keesokan harinya setelah ia mendapatkan pekerjaan. Akan tetapi kenyataan sehari-hari membuktikan bahwa pemutusan hubungan kerja tidak mungkin dicegah seluruhnya.

 

Ada pula buruh atau karyawan yang malah ingin mengakhiri hubungan kerjanya dengan perusahaan tempatnya bekerja, hal ini dilakukan dengan keinginan mengembangkan karir di perusahaan lain, mendapatkan lingkungan kerja yang lebih baik dan motif lainnya yang tidak bisa didapatkannya di tempatnya bekerja.

 

Pemutusan hubungan kerja dapat dibagi ke dalam empat golongan yaitu:
1. Hubungan kerja yang putus demi hukum
2. Hubungan kerja yang diputuskan oleh pihak buruh
3. Hubungan kerja yang diputuskan oleh pihak majikan
4. Hubungan kerja yang diputus pengadilan

 

Dalam hal ini yang penting untuk dilakukan pembahsan berkenaan dengan masalah yang ada adalah pemutusan hubungan kerja yang dilakukan oleh buruh atau karyawan sendiri.

 

3. Pemutusan Hubungan Kerja oleh Buruh

 

Buruh berwenang sepenuhnya untuk memutuskan hubungan kerja dengan persetujuan pihak majikan, tiap saat ia menghendakinya, hal ini berlandaskan pada asas kebebasan berkontrak dalam perjanjian dan juga mengingat bahwa hubungan kerja didasarkan pada kesepakatan para pihak.

 

Pemutusan hubungan kerja oleh buruh ini harus didahului dengan pernyataan pengakhiran sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku dan juga memperhatikan tenggang waktu pengakhiran, kecuali dalam hal terdapat adanya alasan mendesak.

 

Tenggang waktu pengakhiran ini adalah selama satu bulan, hal ini dimaksudkan sebagai upaya memberi kesempatan bagi pihak majikan/pengusaha dan buruh/karyawan untuk mempersiapkan diri.

 

Bagi buruh/karyawan, waktu ini dapat dipergunakan untuk mencari pekerjaan lainnya dan menyelesaikan pekerjaaannya yang masih tersisa, sedang bagi majikan/pengusaha, waktu ini dipergunakan untuk menyiapkan tenaga kerja baru sesuai pos yang telah ditinggalkan dan untuk meneliti apakah karyawan yang akan putus hubungan itu telah menyelesaikan pekerjaaannya secara tuntas.

 

4. Pengunduran Diri

 

Pengunduran diri merupakan suatu bagian dari pemutusan hubungan kerja dimana dalam hal ini pemutusan hubungan kerja tersebut dilakukan oleh buruh atau keryawan itu sendiri dengan mendapat persetujuan oleh majikan atau pengusaha.

 

Hal ini sebenarnya didasarkan pada asas kebebasan berkontrak dalam hukum perjanjian, dan hukum perjanjian merupakan dasar dari hubungan kerja, sehingga wajarlah jika hal pengunduran diri oleh karyawan/atau buruh ini diletakkan dalam kerangka hukum perjanjian.

 

Ketentuan mengenai pengunduran diri ini sangatlah sedikit pengaturannnya dalam undang-undang, hal ini sebenarnya dapatlah dipahami karena dasar dari pengunduran diri ini adalah suatu kesepakatan antara karyawan/buruh dengan majikan pengusaha sehingga hanya diperlukan sedikit pengaturannya dalam undang-undang.

 

Pengunduran diri oleh karyawan ini harus senantiasa mengikuti ketentuan pengakhiran hubungan kerja yang diatur dalam undang-undang, dalam hal ini juga perlu diperhatikan ketentuan mengenai pernyataan pengakhiran dan tenggang waktu pengakhiran hubungan kerja. Pernyataan pengakhiran harus diberikan oleh karyawan/buruh dengan memperhatikan tenggang waktu pengakhiran hubungan kerja sesuai dengan ketentuan pasal 1603i KUHPer, tenggang waktu ini menurut undang-undang adalah selama satu bulan.

 

Pengunduran diri ada dua macam, yaitu pengunduran diri dengan tanpa syarat dan pengunduran diri dengan syarat. Pengunduran diri tanpa syarat menyebabkan suatu putusnya hubungan dengan tidak perlu adanya izin sedang pengunduran diri dengan syarat memerlukan suatu izin bagi putusnya hubungan kerja.

 

5. Akibat Hukum Pengunduran Diri

 

Pengunduran diri merupakan bagian dari pemutusan hubungan kerja dengan didasarkan kemauan sukarela dari pekerja, dengan demikian nyatalah akibat hukum dari pengunduran diri ini adalah putusnya hubungan kerja antara keryawan atau buruh dengan pengusaha atau majikan.

 

Selain itu menurut ketentuan Kepmen no 150/Men/2000 pasal 26, pengunduran diri secara baik atas kemauan sendiri memberikan hak bagi pekerja untuk mendapatkan uang penghargaan masa kerja dan ganti kerugian menurut ketentuan pasal 23 dan pasal 24 Kepmen 150/Men/2000.

 

Dalam kenyataannya, pengunduran diri oleh karyawan atau pekerja ini tidaklah mutlak atas kemauan dari pekerja namun ada kalanya terdapat unsur permintaaan dari pihak majikan atau pengusaha sebagai usaha menghindarkan diri dari kewajiban meminta izin dari P4D/P4P.

 

Selain itu ada juga pengusaha atau majikan yang tidak mau melakukan kewajiban pemberian uang penghargaan masa kerja dalam hal pengunduran diri dengan alasan kondite yang tidak baik dalam akhir masa kerja, padahal sudah semestinyalah uang penghargaan masa kerja ini diberikan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang ada.

 

6. Kesimpulan

 

Dari uraian-uraian terdahulu, terdapat beberapa kesimpulan yang dapat diambil mengenai masalah ini yaitu:

1. Ketentuan mengenai pengunduran diri diatur secara tersebar dalam beberapa peraturan perundang-undangan dengan perumusan yang tidak begitu lengkap.
2. Akibat hukum yang terjadi adalah putusnya hubungan kerja antara pekerja dengan pihak pengusaha dengan membebankan pengusaha memberikan uang penghargaan masa kerja dan ganti kerugian sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku.
3. Dalam kenyataan terdapat beberapa penyimpangan dari ketentuan yang ada sebagai bagian dari pertimbangan ekonomis dari pihak pengusaha.

 

There are two contrasting theories of federalism. The first, functional theory identifies distinctive areas of competence for each level of government. It predicts that each level will expand in its arena of competence but will remain limited or will diminish in its less competent arena. The second, legislative theory, says that the modern federal system is shaped by the political needs of legislators responsible for its design. Legislator at all levels of government will seek to distribute governmental benefits for which they can claim credit and, if all possible, will shift governmental burdens to other levels of the federal system.

 

Functional Theory

Functional theory identifies the two main economic purposes of domestic government as developmental and redistributive. Developmental programs provide the physical and social infrastructure necessary to facilitate a country’s economic growth. Redistributive programs reallocate societal resources from the “haves” to the “have-nots”. They transfer economic resources from those who have gained the most from economic development to those who have gained the least.

For federal governments to function effectively, the division of responsibilities among levels of government must respect the comparative advantages of each level of government. The national government should assume the primary responsibility for redistribution, while state and local governments assume primary responsibility for development.

Local governments are best equipped to design and administer developmental programs because their decisions are disciplined by market forces as well as by political pressures. Although some developmental tasks must be undertaken by higher levels of government, the national government, on the whole, is the least efficient provider of development policies. Unlike local and state governments, it operates under few markets like constraints.

The national government, however, is the most competent agent of redistribution. Local government are unable to redistribute wealth effectively because labor and capital are mobile in an economically and political integrated nations-state. The national government has the greatest capacity to engage in redistributive programs, because it can prevent the in-migration of labor from foreign countries and can impose some constraints on capital flow

 

Legislative Theory

Legislative theory thinks that the political incentives that shape the decisions of policymakers induce them to make the wrong choices. The theory bears the legislative label because it assumes that policies are shaped by political needs of those who write the country’s law. It also gives a less important policy role for presidents than functional theory. It assumes that, in general, the preferences of presidents (and governors) have much less effect on domestic policy than do preferences of the members of congress (and state legislatures).

Legislative theory assumes that elected representatives’ primary goal is their own reelection. In pursuit of that goal, representatives seek to secure benefits for and screen costs from their constituencies. Legislative theory further assumes that constituents easily recognize spatially concentrated costs and benefits, but that spatially dispersed costs and benefits are less perceptible. Legislators therefore support projects that have geographically concentrated benefit but diffuse costs, and they oppose policies that have diffuse benefits but spatially concentrated costs.

Legislators’ opinions about redistribution are according to legislative theory, strongly influenced by constituency pressures. Legislator who represents a low-income, needy population or a liberal constituency is likely to favor the expansion of redistributive programs. Those who represent middle-income constituents less likely to need government aid are more likely to resist redistribution. Political support for redistribution is expected to be greater in cities and states with higher poverty rates.